Pottery is one of the main documents that is widely used in the analysis of archaeological findings. According to the analyzes made on pottery, it is possible to get chronology in ancient sites, how social organizations evolved in past societies, compare decorative styles, and also understand the cultural and commercial relations of ancient societies. The Pehreh region is located in the interior of Balochistan, which Greek geographers refer to as Gedrozia. Archaeological excavations of this area have identified a large number of ancient sites. In this research, the main purpose is to analyze the pottery characteristics of the historical period and to understand how the cultural interactions of this region. This article tries to answer the question: what were the characteristics of the Parthian pottery index of inner Balochistan and what were the cultural interactions of the seminary with the neighboring regions and outside the political borders of Iran in the historical period? The present study is based on field and library studies and tries to explain the pottery findings in the field of Pehreh with a descriptive-analytical approach. Statistical analysis of pottery and comparison of index samples of the center of Baluchistan of Iran with neighboring regions showed that the internal parts of the area of communication within the region and beyond the area with areas located in southeastern Iran such as Guri Hill, Sam Castle, Yahya Hill, Sarasiab and areas located in Afghanistan has Nad Ali, Shamshir Ghar and areas in Pakistan including Charsada.

The Anubanini rock relief, located in Sarpol-e Zahab, represents the oldest rock monument in Iran. Carved on the rock of Kooh-e-Badir (Mount Badir or Batir), this monument commemorates the triumph of the local Lulobi ruler and serves to immortalize the ceremonial exercise of power by the goddess Ishtar. Additionally, this artwork reflects a form of artistic expression prevalent in ancient Iran around 2000 BC. Approximately 1, 500 years later, the story depicted in the Anubanini relief served as an inspiration for a subsequent victory monument, which was carved on the Bisotoun Mountain by order of Darius the Great. This study has examined the progression and transformation of human clothing and associated adornments from the Lulubi period to the beginning of the Achaemenid period, employing a comparative methodology. It has also considered the various factors that influenced changes in the clothing of ancient civilizations during the time span between these two rock reliefs. This research is essential in its objectives and employs a historical methodology for the interpretation and analysis of data. The findings have been derived from library studies, utilizing historical analyses to explore the two primary topics of the research. Initially, the historical and visual attributes of the Anubanini and Bisotoun reliefs have been articulated, focusing on the similarities in narrative themes and symbols. A comparative analysis has further examined the differences in clothing depicted in the two reliefs from various perspectives. Ultimately, the research concludes with a reference to the influence of the culture and art associated with the civilizations that produced these two reliefs, thereby fulfilling the research objectives of this paper.

AbstractIn terms of archaeological studies, Gilan Province is considered as one of the most important and influential regions of the Iranian Plateau during the First millennium BC. One of the sites of this cultural area is Pila Qala (Pileh Qaleh) in Rudbar in the northeast of Nesfi Village, whose archaeological studies dates to the excavations of Negahban in 1961. During the excavation of this mound, which has been introduced as one of the mounds related to Marlik in the First millennium BC, 17 archaeological deposits dating from the second and First millennia BC to the newer periods were recorded. The site even covers the Sassanian and Islamic periods up to the 5th century AH. Even though the potteries of the First millennium BC documented in Pila Qala have previously been studied based on typology and classification, no laboratory studies like petrographic and mineralogical analysis have been done so far. This article is dedicated to the petrographic analysis of nine potsherds related to the First millennium BC in Pila Qala with the aim of examining construction technique and mineralogical composition. Petrographic results showed that, except in one case, all the potsherds had non-carbonate compounds (clay) and used igneous rocks and related minerals as temper. In terms of texture, two silty, or fine-grained and coarse-grained textures could be seen. Excessive use of igneous rocks for temper suggests that these types of rocks were readily available and that the potters were familiar with the properties of igneous rocks, such as their strength. In the case of pottery, the temperature was close to 800 degrees Celsius, and only the samples without calcite experienced a firing temperature slightly higher than 800 degrees Celsius.Keywords: First millennium BC, Marlik Hill, Pila Qaleh, Pottery Pieces, Petrography. IntroductionGilan region was a suitable area for establishing human settlement due to factors such as fertile soil, a suitable climate, the ubiquity of surface water, and the possibility of irrigating land from different prehistoric and historical periods, especially the First millennium BC (Jahani and Babayev, 2017: 60). The vast cemeteries of Talesh (Khaltabari, 2013), Marlik (Negahban, 1966), Deilaman (Egami, 1965), Clozer (Hakemi, 1973) and Jamshidabad (Falahian, 2013), along with the other sites, show the importance of this region in archaeological studies of the First millennium BC. One of the significant sites in the region is Pila Qala, which was noticed at the same time as Marlik’s excavations (Negahban, 1999). The exploration of Pila Qala was started by Negahban, as a result of which 17 settlement layers with works from the end of the second and First millennia BC (contemporary to Marlik) and even later periods, like Sassanid and Islamic settlements up to the 5th century AH were identified (Negheban, 1999: 28, 53-52. 2006: 238-250). The article “Typology of Iron Age Pottery of Pila Qala” was the next archaeological research in which 13 types of Iron Age pottery were identified (Naghshineh, 2009). In addition, the brief architectural evidence of Pila Qala was studied in an article entitled: “Evidence of new architecture of the late 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the sites of the southwestern shores of the Caspian Sea (Gilan)” (Jahani and Babayev, 2017). Since so far, no laboratory research has been done on the structure of pottery from the First millennium BC of this region. In this article, the potsherds recovered from these strata of Pila Qala are analyzed using petrography. Pila Qala could be considered as one of the prominent sites of the region, which has a continuity of settlement with architectural evidence from the end of the second to the First millennia BC (Negheban, 1999: 52). Thus, the petrographic analysis of the pottery of the First millennium BC from Pila Qala could provide new topics in the field of understanding the method of construction and mineralogy of the pottery texture and their firing temperature. Therefore, the important question is as follows: What is the structure and texture of the pottery of the 1st millennium BC based on the petrographic results? And, how much have their mineralogical structures changed? Article textIn terms of macroscopic characteristics, nine potsherds from Pila Qala which belong to the Iron Age, were selected. All of which were simple and wheel-shaped with a mineral temper and adequate firing with a mud coating in a range of brown, pea, and gray colors. It is worth noting that these nine sherds were selected from a population of 65 pieces. Based on the results of the petrographic test, it was found that the potsherds could be grouped into two main categories: rough texture and fine-grained or silty texture. The geological origin of clayey raw materials is mainly silty clay or sand from natural outcrops in alluvial sediments and soils. Except for one of the samples that has a carbonated paste composition, the other samples feature a non-carbonated composition. In these samples, the quartz mineral is the most abundant. Other constituents present in these mineral samples are pyroxene, plagioclase, igneous rock fragments such as quartz mineral, and iron oxide, which are seen in the form of fine fragments and scattered in the clay paste in the form of temper. Some of the samples have calcite minerals, and some do not have that.ConclusionThe matrix of Pila Qala pottery is silty, but the filler material is different and could be seen as siliceous and carbonated, which could be analyzed as a tradition of potterymaking due to the non-cohesive dispersion and non-uniform size of the filler material. Multicolored matrix dough helps in estimating the baking temperature. According to the presented examples, it could be said that clay paste fillers are igneous materials. This importance could be seen in the angularity of the matrix of filler materials and the fact that none of them are rounded, and the presence of minerals like amphibole with a yellow color in the clay texture could indicate this importance. Another remarkable point about some of these pottery samples is the colloidal concentration of iron and hematite caused by the high temperature. In terms of fabric or texture, two types of silty texture and peripheral texture, or coarse crystal, are seen. In the samples that contain calcite, this mineral is in two forms: coarse crystal and fine crystal. The presence of this mineral in the composition of pottery shows that the firing temperature of pottery is not higher than 800 degrees Celsius, and in samples without calcite, the firing temperature of pottery is more than 800 degrees Celsius. The high use of igneous rocks for clay temper raises the possibility that these types of rocks were easily available, and the potters were familiar with their properties, such as their strength. In terms of geological structure, the dominant bedrock in the region is composed of igneous rocks. In general, igneous rocks have a higher strength of brittleness than other rocks, and they can be crushed without being powdered. In some studied samples, there is an empty space in the clay paste, which can be related to the amount of kneading of the clay paste or the burning and complete decomposition of the organic materials in the paste due to the high amount of heat.

Qanat is one of the most important human-developed technologies that played a significant role in the growth and development of the communities residing in Iran. Most researchers believe that the First qanats were built in the First half of the First millennium BC. Iran is considered the most important candidate for the emergence, and spread of this valuable technology due to the large number of qanats the advanced construction technology and the culture associated with them. Nevertheless, independent archaeological research on the origins of the earliest qanats in Iran is very limited, and the Qazvin Plain is no exception to this. From the written records and the available archaeological evidence, it can be deduced that this technology was utilized by the communities residing in the Qazvin Plain during the Achaemenid period. Although there is no direct evidence of pre-Achaemenid qanats in the region, factors such as a climatic drought event, population growth, intensified political competition, the expansion of livestock farming (particularly horse breeding), the development of orchards, and the construction of paradises (royal gardens) suggest that the necessary motivations and incentives for the construction of this technology were present in the second half of the 7th century BC in the region.

By studying works of art remained from the past, various fields of study such as cultural, anthropological and artistic domains can be understood more clearly. These works can be found in national or private museums and examined in detail. A relativrly large collection of such ancient works has been compiled by Javā d Samā vi (1954-2015), which includes vessels and artifacts from the prehistoric and Islamic period with a variety of works of glass, silver, bronze, stone, pottery and bronze. The research methodology of the present article is historical-analytical in nature. The method of collecting information is based on library sources and field studies. To prepare the samples, functional bronze and earthenware vessels have been selected by visiting Mr. Samā vi’ s private collection. The research population and the available samples of the works in this place were 324 items of functional pottery and 243 of bronze functional vessels, respectively. These works belong to the First millennium BC. Among the research population, 15 samples of functional pottery and 11 samples of bronze functional vessels were analyzed as the sample size. After selecting the samples, functional pottery and bronze wares were examined and analyzed in a combined way, quantitatively and qualitatively, with the aim of analyzing thier formal features. The questions of this research are as follows: What were the functions of bronze and earthenware vessels in the First millennium BC, according to the items now preserved at the Samā vi collection? What are the forms of pottery and bronze wares in this collection in terms of function? The results of the present study show that the functional bronze wares in the First millennium BC from this collection are 144 vessels in 77 different forms. The number of pottery wares from the First millennium BC in the collection is 324 in 130 different forms. In the present article, 11 forms of bronze vessels from the First millennium BC were examined. These vessels come in the form of large star-shaped plates, small handled pitchers, needle-shaped bowls, footed cups, small stone pots, jugs, grooved tubs with handles and foots, tubular teapots, beak-shaped cups, mortars and their handles. Incidentally, 15 forms of earthenware examined, including those of handled drinking jug, tubular earthenware, footed vessel, drinking cup, fotted bowl, perforated bowl, sebo, small handled pitcher, handled pitcher, long-necked scent bottle, earthenware, tubular earthenware and almond-shaped bowl.

This article examines the technologies and methods of exploitation of water resources in the Elamite and Mesopotamian civilizations from the second millennium to the end of the First millennium BC. During this period, water resources management was key to these civilizations' economic, agricultural, and sustainable development. According to their specific geographical and climatic conditions, the mentioned civilizations developed innovative technologies and methods for the optimal exploitation of water resources. Since the two civilizations of Elam and Mesopotamia were closely related to each other during the second and First millennia BCE, they had many influences from each other. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to recognize and be aware of the skills of these civilizations in comparison with common perceptions. By comparing the two civilizations under study, the role of each of them in the construction of water structures and exploitation based on engineering mechanisms is shown chronologically. Based on what has been stated, two questions are raised in this research: 1. how were these civilizations able to manage water resources? And 2-What technologies and tools did they use to exploit water resources in social development? To answer these two questions, a more detailed analysis of these technologies and their impact on the social, economic, and cultural life of these civilizations has been discussed using historical sources and archaeological data...

Sea shells are natural-biological objects. They are embedded in geological layers in the form of fossils, but also, to find in archaeological deposits as a result of human activities. Archaeologists can use the provenance of shells in the functional analysis of ancient sites in terms of social archeology and prehistoric trading activities. Aarcheological excavations in several sites of the Iranian Plateau have shown that from the 3rd third millennium B.C. onwards, finds of of sea shells (e.g. Lambis, Dentalium, etc.) rapidely increased. Such shells were for instance discovered from ritual cemetery contexts such as Shahdad, Tepe Hesar, Kale Nisar cemeteries or Bani Surma. These objects are mainly used as natural or polished shells. In some cases, they served as a raw material for making all kinds of beads, buttons, and other ornamental objects.. The main question is to understand the relationship between the use of seashells and archaeological context, and also, their role in Bronze Age ritual life. In this article, the descriptive, analytical method has been used in the biological recognition of all types of shells. This method is also used based on similar studies on this issue in Mesopotamia's archeology of the Sumerian-Akkadian period. The distribution of recognizable species shows that these objects are concentrated in the settlements from south to southeast of Iran in the coastal strip of the Persian Gulf, and from the Oman Sea to the Zagros intermountain valleys, as well as in the northwest and northeast of Iran. The biological origin can be placed in the northern shores of the Oman Sea to the Gulf of Kutch on the northern coast of the Indian Ocean. It seems that with the growth and development of urbanization in Southwest Asia and especially the development of sea trade, oysters have been traded as valuable goods and other prestige goods. The importance of the shell findings is more than the value of the shells themselves B.Cause they were used as sacred goods in religious affairs. Analysis of the fields where the shells were discovered is more related to cemeteries and temples as sacred spaces. Also, the significant presence of Lambis shells for the production of specific ritual bowls, placed together with bronze axes in graves, can be seen as the reflection of a patriarchic tradition in the social-political organisiation of the third and second millennia B.C. Despite many excavations and the discovery of many samples of these types of shells, no furthergoing investigation on these specific objects was undertaken so far. This desideratum reveals more valuable findings in the archeology of the Iranian plateau. Therefore, one of this article's final goals is to focus more on analyzing the context of the discovery of seashells in future Excavation

shell A type of seashell called Cowrie, which in Persian is called by several names such as “Gajak” or “Kojak” and... So far, in many ancient deposits from the third millennium BC to the First millennium BC, mainly in the form of personal ornaments with the deceased and in some cases from the places of worship in large numbers, has been obtained. In all published reports, the mere accompaniment of these objects with other personal ornaments has introduced them as personal ornaments, while the question arises as to how this decorative tradition has remained for more than five thousand years. Given that some of today’s indigenous peoples believe beyond the aesthetic aspect of shell; These beliefs can be considered remnants of more ancient rituals? Based on this, it is hypothesized that the continued use of a non-indigenous object over time is related to a religious-ritual belief. Why at the same time the scope of such a phenomenon in the form of use in prayer and burial contexts not only in the cultural borders of Iran but also in large areas of the Eastern Levant and the Middle East has already been reported. Field ethnographic study of some indigenous peoples in western and southwestern Iran shows that these objects are used only for children regardless of gender and in adults only for women, which indicates the existence of a kind of gender and age taboo for it and belief The association of these objects with the person, in addition to the special aesthetic aspect, causes the repulsion of an evil eye They eliminate imperfection and attract goodness and blessings. This phenomenon is seen in ancient textures in the form of shell in the graves of women and children in excavation reports. But there is no sign of the use of these shell as a dignified commodity that belongs to a certain class of people in society. In a comparative analysis on the goals envisaged for this Kajak in both the contexts of ethnology today and contexts of ancient attitude toward ritual and spiritual practice, this assumption is approved only aspects of belief has caused Kajak shell has been considered for a long time and have been transported as a precious commodity by a commercial network from the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean to parts of the Iranian plateau.Keywords: Archaeology of Death, Shell, Cowrie Shell, Ethnoarchaeology. IntroductionThe oyster is a species of marine life that is itself a member of a group of small to large marine gastropods of the family Cypraeidae, which are classified as “Cypraea”. The biological origin of this species belongs to the seas and does not exist in any river or lake. Unlike pottery and other man-made objects, this data is not used as part of the survival of living things, sometimes with slight modifications to their natural form, but discovered in a place other than their habitat and Archaeological deposits indicate that they have moved over long distances. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to clarify the reasons for the use and function of this finding among ancient deposits from the third millennium to the beginning of history on the plateau of Iran. From a methodological point of view, in this research, a comparative-comparative method is used to explain this finding among ancient deposits as an unknown part of the problem and Ethnoarchaeology and living folk deposits as a known part. Therefore, the basis of the study is based on comparative and field methods. The statistical population is the collection of archaeological information taken from all available sources, including archaeological excavation reports and published cases without emphasis on specific specimens in the period from the third millennium to the First millennium BC, and the main reason for focusing on the tribes of the western region. And southwestern Iran due to the greatest overlap of the biological area of these tribes with the range of ancient sites studied. Research dataSo far, as a result of many archaeological excavations in Iran, samples of Cowries shell have been obtained. From the Neolithic period, oyster type Kajak from Choghasfid site and Tape Ali kush in Dehloran plain (Hole, et all, 1969: 244) and Tape Haji Firooz in the south of Urmia lake (Voigt, 1983: 263) have been reported. Kajak type in many sites of ruralization and the beginning of urbanization, such as Tel Millian Fars (Reese, 2003b, 103), Shahre sokhte (2300 to 2800) (Durante, 1977: 335: 15–6, pl. 1), Tel Iblis (Evett, 1967: 216, 217: Fig. 7) Tape Yahya (Tosi & Biscione, 1981: 39, 67: nr. 52, 78: nr. 84) & (Cataliotti-Valdina, 1979: 90) and Kazabad Ilam (Stein, 1940: pl. X: 2–3.) Have also been reported. (Reese, 1989a: 80–81). Hull believes that in light of the prevalence of interregional trade in terms of the origin of certain commodities such as turquoise and obsidian, he has mentioned the existence of shell (Dentalium, Cowrie) as one of these commodities, while their biological origin is related to the Mediterranean Sea. And the Persian Gulf has been mentioned (Hole. et all. 1969: 53, 78, 244). On the other hand, in the excavations related to the Elamite sites and the Bronze Age cemeteries of the Pishkuh areas in the Zagros, the discovery of numerous specimens of Kajak shell; Shows that in the Iron Age of Poshtkuh in the cemeteries Pusht Kaboud, Katal Gal Gal (KT.A1, KT.A7, KT.A9, KT.A10, KT.A13 with 2, 23. 1. 4) (Overlet, 2003). ) And Bordbal (BB.1, BB.3 and BB.10) have also been reported as oyster gifts with the dead (Overlet, 2003). The latest finding is the presence of shell of the type in Zagros cemetery in Sanandaj (Amelirad et all, 2012, 96. Pi 39). In which the position of the shell as a kind of necklace with the deceased indicates its use as individual decorations. In today’s ethnographic contexts, among some Lor and Kurdish tribes, the oyster’s Kajak is used as a victim or’s repellent force to protect children from evil eyes, and sometimes it is combined with strings of pecan seeds and some teeth. Of the animals, it is often attached to the child’s shoulder with a locking pin or in front of the baby’s sugar headband (Tawfiqi 1393: 87). Kojak shell is also sewn on the bridle of horses and donkeys, as well as camel hats. The front of the horse saddle, which is strong and sturdy and is placed vertically, is often adorned with a shell (Pollack, 1989: 343). (Figure 5). Among the cattle breeders of Bakhtiari and Qashqai tribes and Kurds of the western region, they installed blue beads and shell on the musk tripod and the musk itself, and the shell is considered to mean the blessing of the day and the increase of musk butter. Also, in a study on knitted bedspreads of Qashqai nomads, a technique called oeiiy Weaving has been mentioned, on which often crooked shells have been installed to repel the evil eye (Tawfiqi, 2014: 47). Among the nomads of the Bakhtiari tribe, Kajak shell and blue beads are attached to children’s wooden cradles. Likewise, mothers who have just given birth wear it on their arms or put it on a ring. In Lorestan, blue or blue beads are called kujeh or khazf, and its large type is used to repel evil eye from animals; And of its smaller type, they seek help from children to ward off the evil eye  (Asadian Khorramabadi, 1353: 233), for example, among the Bakhtiari lors, there are  (black stone) and  (shell bead). These beads are embroidered on the baby’s outer garment or hat (Filberg, 1990: 221, 222). ConclusionStudy and comparison of two discussions focusing on the use of Kajak shell in two different time frames, ie the third millennium to the First millennium BC and parts of modern local tribes in Iran confirm the signs of the use of this type of non-local shell. The oyster, which is the closest estimated source for those shores of the Persian Gulf in the south of the Iranian plateau, and sometimes the distance from the nearest coastal point to the cemeteries and areas from which these shells have been discovered and identified has been nearly a thousand kilometres. Historical and spatial analysis of the shell used according to the place of their discovery showed that the majority of them are related to two specific places, shrines and graves. The common denominator of these two contexts is related to the religious and cosmological thoughts and ideas of the people who removed them, and no doubt the components and objects within these spaces reflect their least religious value. The period is considered for the comfort of the deceased. This trend has been observed almost without interruption until the First half of the First millennium BC and simultaneously with the historical period of Iran. Eventually, since the formation of Islam as the official and dominant religion in most places, virtually all non-Islamic burial methods have B.Come obsolete, and therefore the use of Kajak shell or any other decorative and ritual object in the grave has been eliminated, but ethnographic evidence shows that there are still signs of some beliefs and attitudes to this day, and in the meantime, the historical texts of the Islamic era confirm them, so that in many dictionaries such as Kanz al-Laghat from the eighth century AH is still a common belief of the people. Indicate the excretion of evil eyes by the white bead. The similar conditions of use of shell among some native tribes of modern Iran in the western and southwestern regions of Iran show that in both archaeological and ethnographic contexts, the use of this oyster is used only for women, children and no cases for men. Secondly, it has not been seen that in both contexts, the use of small shell has been used only for religious and decorative matters with religious meaning. For example, graves, temples and sacred spaces and the belief in repelling evil forces and wounded eyes fall into the category of religious affairs.

The study of transition process of prehistoric societies from egalitarian stage to the classified and state, is one of the important subjects of archaeology. The administrative technology is one of the symbolic features of prehistoric complex societies, indicating the presence of elite class for controlling the socioeconomic and political affairs. Large amounts of garbage with various deposited cultural materials were discovered during the archeological excavations in 2016 at the ancient site of Ā lou in Radekan Village, Qazvin Plain. The site chronologically related to the Late Chalcolithic/ Late Plateau period. The administrative artifacts including clay seals and counting objects (tokens) were found in this project. These artifacts are the main devices of administrative technology. The main purposes of this paper are to introduce and interpret the administrative technology devices in Ā lou site and the research on the origins of socioeconomic developments in the Central Plateau of Iran. It reevaluates, at First, the B.Ckground of cultural developments in the Central Plateau with emphasis on administrative technology and information processes, and afterwards, studies the related cultural materials from excavations of Ā lou. The results indicate that the societies of Central Plateau, in the mid-fourth millennium BC, had achieved the socioeconomic complexities by the classified — or chiefdom — structure, prior to the Proto-Elamite horizon. These developments therewith cultural interactions and communications with adjacent regions, originated in the Central Plateau of Iran.

The First archaeological work in east of Fars, conducted by Sir A. Stein in 1934. However, an intensive survey, directed by De Miroschedji, was carried out in this region in 1971-72. Unfortunately, the materials of this survey were not studied in detail. So, the prehistoric cultures of the Fasa and Darab valleys remained unclear. To comprehend the prehistoric cultural developments of the east of Fars, the Miroscedji’ s survey collections were studied First and completed with a stratigraphical excavation at Tappeh Vakilabad. The combination of the results of the survey and excavation provided an appropriate framework for the prehistoric cultures. These results affirmed that the prehistoric cultures of the east of Fars were entirely indigenous after the Bakun period to the beginning of the Kaftari era. The pottery styles of this era (Bakun-Kaftari), are introduced as Vakilabad, Zahak, Jouzjan, Roudbal, and Galyan. Furthermore, the settlement pattern analysis shows a reduction in the number of settlements in the Vakilabad period and more intensely in the second half of the fourth and First half of the third millennium BC. This pattern may indicate a shift in the subsistence economy of the large part of the society from agriculture to animal husbandry. The fourth and third millennium BC settlement patterns of the east of Fars are almost similar to KRB. However, in the second half of the fourth and First half of the third millennium BC, the KRB reached a complicated political and social developments, but the east of Fars B.Came a peripheral region with the limited settled population.